Monday, May 4, 2009

The Great Wrong

By Sikander Salahuddin
Whenever in Pakistan some political leaders or political party comes forward with the suggestion to divide Punjab for the larger good of Pakistan, then the reaction seen among certain politicians, intellectuals and literary men of Punjab is of total hostility. The idea of the division of Punjab into two or three provinces in their opinion goes against the interests of Pakistan and its ideology. People demanding the division of Punjab are immediately branded as unpatriotic and the demand for the division is dismissed on various grounds. But is this determined and vociferous opposition to the division of Punjab warranted and justified?
An impartial view of the whole situation reveals that division of Punjab isn’t in any conceivable manner against Pakistan or its ideology. Division of Punjab is very much in the fitness of things and such administrative measure would strengthen the federation of Pakistan and would end once and for all the underlying reasons, which wrecked havoc with the idea of united, stable and prosperous Pakistan. Pakistan doesn’t seem to loose anything if Punjab is divided. Rather with united Punjab ,Pakistan seems to loose all. For understanding this we need to look back at our past. It was unbridled power of the Punjabi burecracy and its overwhelming strength in the armed forces that gave rise to skepticism among small provinces and ethnic minorities and gave them ample cause to point their accusing finger at Punjab for being the leading cause of their backwardness and deprivation. Much ill will among the federating units has resulted from perpetuating the wrong of a untied Punjab being the dominant force in country’s affairs, even it cost the country its dismemberment in 1971, but still the influential people in Punjab oppose demands of its division tooth and tail and are not ready to give the matter a calm consideration.

There are various reasons why the idea of the division of Punjab is met with so much opposition and hostility in Punjab. One major reason is the emotional attachment of Punjabis to the very idea and name which the word Punjab evokes. The word Punjab resonates with deep symbolic, and legendry and historical attachments. Punjab thus assumes the character of a holy land, a land through which five rivers flow. The power and strength of Punjab is symptomatic of the strength of Pakistan and so on and so forth. Viewed in this context, the proposition and notion of dividing Punjab is nothing short of a conspiracy to dismember the very land Punjabis so much love and take pride at.
Secondly Punjabi establishment acts as a monolithic group, acting and thinking in unison. It keeps its vital interest at the top most and brooks no compromise. Punjabi establishment consider itself a successor to the British and like them maintains its rule over smaller ethic group whom again, like its British predecessor, it considers as half civilized. For example the common stereotype of Pathan is a driver or a chaukidar, who serves a Punjabi or an Urdu-speaking Sahib, who has now taken on the mantle of the departing British. So the colonial mentality persists even today, though colonialism in its classical sense has departed. And all this leads us to a nasty situation. And as the British weren’t so justified in their claim, then so are the Punjabis. The excesses they commit are the excesses of the colonial mentality, which they have inherited. This is exactly which makes them oblivious to the wrongs they commit. It should be kept in mind that the great wrong in Pakistan originates from Punjab being the dominant force in the country’s decision-making process. Any such measure, which seems to threaten the very interests of Punjab is vetoed down, no matter if it gives rise to the sense of grievance among smaller provinces and ultimately loosing of their belief in the very idea of Pakistan.
Bengalis parted their ways in 1971, after realizing that they got nothing form being part of a united Pakistan. Same feeling is filtering down into the psyche of nationalities like Sindhis, sarakiks and Balochs. All of them are parochial and insular in geographical sense; are not adventurous and lack the spirit of braving the hazards and dangers of the unforeseen. The sense of perceived wrong at the hands of Punjab makes them turn inwardly to the land which they inhabit and with which they feel strong emotional attachment. Opinion is crystallizing among some of them that they got nothing from joining the federation of Pakistan and consequently they flirt with dangerous ideas such as succession and separation. The domination of Punjab is a constant theme in the litany of their accusation. Canada faced problem of French speaking Quebec province. And Canadian English speaking majority amicably solved this problem by reaching out to the French to such an extent that referendum held many times to determine Quebec’s future didn’t give the secessionist enough votes for separation. Even if hearts of Canadian French want separation, their minds don’t. Being part of Canadian federation is too much financially rewarding to entertain the idea of succession. This is not happening in Pakistan so far as smaller nationalities are concerned; a day may come when neither their hearts, nor their minds would want to be part of Pakistan. What is daily fed into their minds is the idea of Islam as a uniting force, a recipe which doesn’t work any more.
The fact is that a state like Pakistan contains the seeds of its very destruction. The founding fathers of Pakistan laid the foundation of a state on an ideology without taking into account some other tangible factors. The overriding emphasis on Islam as a binding force, holding together diverse linguistic and ethnic group was an unwise policy without providing proper safeguards for the equal opportunities of all. Especially so when there lay inherent danger of one linguistic group maintaining its dominance over the rest. But these inherent dangers were not taken notice of, and then gradually all the divisive forces started gaining momentum in East Pakistan. Bengalis took refuge in their separate identity and at last parted ways in 1971. Even after the dismemberment of Pakistan the lessons weren’t learnt. Now it is Sindhis and Balochs who complain bitterly about the shabby treatment they receive at the hands of Punjab. Many of their grievances are not without substance. Extreme and lunatic fringe of disgruntled and dissatisfied Balochs and Sindhis see the final solution in cession from the federation of Pakistan, and they try to realize their dream by even siding with the very enemies of Pakistan. Help they receive from outside is not sufficient to make them turn the scales in their fight against what they call ‘ Punjabi army and establishment ’. Outside world in general, and big powers at the moment don’t want to encourage instability in Pakistan because such a case scenario is not in their interest. Just at the moment United States and Britain don’t want Balochistan to secede as some people during recent Bugti uprising claimed. But in changed global settings things would turn quite difficult for those trying to keep Pakistan united.
So in what way we can shape a stronger Pakistan, which is able to able to withstand the vagaries of time and the conspiracies of its enemies. In plain words such a Pakistan can emerge only if its biggest unit is divided into two or three parts. Such a measure would not be a conspiracy against Punjab or its people, rather it would be a step to end once and for all a great wrong write large throughout Pakistan’s history and which has been the cause of all grievances, perceived or real among the smaller provinces and linguistic groups.
We have to take a broader and longer view of things and see the evolution of states and their demise in the broader perspective of future and the past. We have to dispense with the idea that things stands still in Pakistan and that the voices clamoring for their rights are some trouble makers having no broad based representation. The fact is that things in Pakistan may spiral out of control and the theory that Pakistan is a failed state, our nightmare, may come true. We should no longer be lulled by the wishful thinking that tomorrow things may turn out for the good. To prove to the world that Pakistan has come for all times to stay and is not merely founded on the shifting sands, we have to take many steps. Division of Punjab is not the panacea, yet it is something that would bury the ghost of Punjabis dominance and would ensure a stronger Pakistan. The system, which is heavily loaded against small provinces, needs to readjusted. We have squandered so much of good will among the federating units and now it the time to do something about it. Unless we do it, the great wrong will remain and many unpleasant things will follow, if not today, then definitely on tomorrow.

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